After so-called Jamaica probes failed a few weeks ago, it didn't take long for some to talk about a "state crisis" and even first comparisons to Weimar Republic. Now, even though no more marching corps have been spotted in BerlinerRegierungsviertel, nothing vonForderungen Saarland warlords or MecklenburgischerSeparatisten is known. However, this recent case of Vonmedialem crisis fetishism seemed symptomatic.
Because if last year, oh what, in last decade etwaskonstant economy had, n it was just: crises. Dafürreicht already a glimpse into news or gangin a bookstore: Wher financial, economic, euro, debt, climate, refugee or state crises, wher pensions, education or housing crises, wher crisis of West, masculinity, disbelief, of sexuality or democracy – crises are notonly everywhere, but above all also permanent.
This seems to be remarkable now, because, at least etymologically seen, is actually not possible at all. According to his Ancient Greek origin, term derkrisis, Derbis was used for dawn of modernity only selectively and especially in DerMedizin, an abrupt change or a moment of divorce, for example, dramatic climax of a Disease. Therefore, crisis basically knew two ways: healing or death. In or words, Kriseverlangte firstly a clear judgement, zweitensaber always implied possibility of recovery. Eir way, it was limited in time. She actually described only one tippingpoint, a moment of final exacerbation, Overrenewal or Endeentschied.
The mood is goodThis is by no means a philological Petitesse, but refers to fact that we, inhabitants of WestlichenHemisphäre, today do not simply think of ourselves as "only" in times of crisis, but are increasingly dieVorstellung to an infinite metacrisis in collective consciousness. Has anchored. The "metacrisis", writes cultural scientist Eva Horn in her clever, 2014 published book Proceeding Catastrophe, "is a catastrophe without an event, because it is currently in DerKontinuität, in sheer progress. It has no clearly benennbaren actors and culprits, no precise moment or limitable place, no single scenario – rar many, großeund small, clear and vague, probable undunwahrscheinliche times, localities and forms of history ".
This is precisely where our present may differ vonvorherigen. It is true: even earlier decades by increased crisis consciousness, one think only of Angstvorm deafeated or forest die in Seventies and Eighties. Neverless, this crisis consciousness seems to be in its medialvermittelten intensity Today not only larger than ever, also constant parallelism of a multitude of crises that blurs into an amorphous metacrisis reveals itself as a historischrelativ new. And this has to do not only with an attention economy changed by live-ticker and networks, but first also with a specific paradox.
A "worry community"On a personal level, German fear Nämlichwenig is felt in Germany. Quite contrary: mood is so well weaseled before. The recently published "Lucky Atlas", Einerepräsentative Survey, which has been measuring hiesigeLebenszufriedenheit for seven years, remains with an average indicator of 7.07 of 10 points on a high. So it seems to be einWiderspruch: While political debates stetigschriller about danger of terrorism, alleged speech bans or collective identity crises, IndividuelleZufriedenheit is stable at a high level.
However, this is perhaps not a mere contradiction, but rar a dialectical context: precisely because Dieindividuelle satisfaction is average, DasSprechen is able to get over crisis to social putty of an ever Society to be furr differentiated. "In fact," Sobemerkte Peter Sloterdijk in his 2011 published essay Stressund Freedom, " large-scale, wirGesellschaft call, is nothing more than a worry community that is vibrated by medial induziertenStress issues."
To extent that homogeneous environments are dwindling and Gesellschaftsich increasingly atomized, collective arousal becomes thus Zumsozialen binder, "nation a collective that manages to keep unrest toger". Although this is not only true for society as a whole, but in particular also fürpolitische ad-hoc Anhängerschaften. This is evident in AfD. Their constituents are not uniform in eir programmatic or ökonomischeroder cultural terms, but what y have hirto immaterially holds toger is formation of einerressentimentgeladenen excitation community. The Spitzenfunktionäreder AfD know this even too well, which is why konstanteProvokation belongs to ir party-political identity nucleus.
Date Of Update: 01 January 2018, 12:03
